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Copy 1 ILLUSTRA^TED. 



CONDENSED 



HISTORY OF THE WAR, 



ITS CAUSES AND RESULTS. 



-♦-♦-♦- 



PLAIN HOME-TOLD FACTS 



son THE 



YOUNG MEN AND WORKING MEN OF THE UNITED STATES. 



> % i ■■ ■» ■ ■ ■ 



18 68, >;tT-,.,.A^$>' 



CONDENSED FACTS FOR WORKING MEN. 







THESE ARE THE MEN "WHO SAVED THE COUNTRY, 



The cause of the hite unequal conflict was 
the ne^o. His labor, in States where slave 
labor was profitable, enriched those States, 
and made them great. The owners of slaves 
were, by many Northern people, called aristo- 
crats, and the minds of the young men and 
working men of the North were filled by New 
England with poison against aristocracy, on 
the ground that it came in conflict with free 
white labor. 

The North began agitation of the slavery 
question with a view to the abolition of that 
evil. 

The people of the South who helped frame 
the Constitution, and who shed their blood in 
its defence, objected to the national agitation 
of a local question. They said, witli truth, 
that the Constitution they helped make protec- 
ted them in their State rights and labor legis- 
lation — they asked tliat tlie bargain made be- 
tween the Northern and Southern States in 
time of common danger, wlieii each State stood 
and fought to defend the others, be honored. 

But the North said it did not like the old 
bargain. That times had changed ; that 
slavery was barbarous. That there existed in 
the South an aristocracy that grew more j 



wealthy each year from slave labor. That thd 
poor blacks of the South, by labor, paid all the 
taxes, but enjoyed none of the fi'uits of theii 
labor. 

The idea that it was wicked to make laws 
to protect an aristocracy in America took root 
with the people — the tide of agitation grew 
stronger — the North threatened a civil war in 
the South — sent rifles and men into Kansas to 
begin a trouble — sent John Brov.x, a com- 
mon horse thief, but a man of digged deter- 
mination and insane ideas, into Virginia to 
arm the negroes and incite them into an in- 
surrection, which Northern Abolitionists 
hoped woukl destroy the Union. 

Tlie South, tortured, insulted, driven to 
madness, anxious to be released fi-om the ori- 
ginal compact, soTxght to draw out from the 
Union partnership, as the North had said the 
Soutli was an expense to the North, and 
should be out. The South fired on our flag— 
began a war for her indepeudou'je, whieh, if 
successful, woidd have resulted in a dissolu- 
tion of the Union, and the destruction of the 
Federal compact and Constitution. 

The administration of Abr.\.ham: Lincoln 
began the authority of the Republican party, 



ft-Uich rime in power earnestly crying for re- 
irenohinont and reform in public affairs — 

The brc;i]iing down of an aristocracy based 
on wealth — 

The greater security of person — 

Th oxeniption of labor from the support 
of rich men — 

The greatest good to the greatest number. 

The Republican party which began it .^ ca- 
reer bj' agitating a niatter protected by the 
Constitution, or supreme law of America, fol- 
lowed the rebellion it necessitated into power, 
and was called on to put it down. 

To do tliis men and money were in demand. 
The nation, to save itself, was willing to fur- 
nish both. The President told the people the 
war should be carried on simply to preserve 
the Union; that the rebellious States could not 
go out of the Union by any act of their own 
'unless their rebellion teas a success. 

It was with this idea and understanding 
our people went into the war. 

CHAPTER TWO. 

Men and more men, and yet more men, and 
still more men were demanded to put down 
the rebellion. The " rebels " were better 
fighters than the North supposed; the 
North was more wretchedly officered than 
the people dreamed of; thousands of men 
■were lost and murdered by the incompetency 
of worthless army officers, who were too often 
but political pets of office-holders, taken from 
the gutters to be placed in command of men 
braver, more worthy and better than them- 
selves. 



At first men volunteered, but they soon 
grew tired of it. The " little conflict " be- 
came a war of magnitude. The South was in 
earnest. The administration needed more 
men, and instructed that bounties and advance 
pay be g-iven all who would go to war. States 
were called on to fill quotas of troops — Gov- 
ernors called for men, but they would not come. 

Resort was then had to the bounty system, 
and those who were poor, or who had small 
farms and were in debt, were influenced by 
money premiums paid to them. At first these 
were given by rich men who did not wish to 
go to war, and by men who were drafted, but 
could be exempted by payment of thi-ee hun- 
dred dollars. 

The war went on. Men went from their 
homes never to return. Scenes like the first 
picture presented were of hovirly occurrence 
all over the country. 

The brawn and muscle, the skill and 
bravery of America met face to face, and when 
evenly matched as to numbers, the South so 
generally won that the President of the States 
North was compelled to make frequent and 
extravagant calls for more troops. 

To raise these men, and to carry on the ex- 
penses of the war, money must be had. And 
this is the way it was obtained. Those who 
did not care to fight took it upon themselves 
to raise money to pay those who did fight, and 
who must go to war, taking bounty money, or 
by the draft. A poor man had a chance to go 
and receive a certain sum as a premium. But 
where was the money, and how was it brought 
to light ? Tn this way the people began mak- 
ing money. 




THESE ABE THE MEN WHO SIGNED AND SOLD THE BONDS. 



While those who ■wore first in battle -were 
fighting and dying, county officers and state 
officers were at their tables signing county and 
state bonds — or notes of liand, pledging the 
town, city, county or state to pay at a certain 
date, to whoever should present for payment 
at the office of the treasurer, the full amount 
the note or bond called for, be it one hundred 
or one thousand dollars, and to pay legal or 
State rate of interest on tlie full amount till paid. 

These notes were liens upon all the property 
in the county, if county bonds — the State, if 
State bonds. To collect them, the gi'oss 
amount of such notes signed was added tj 
the tax list assessed upon the taxable pro- 
perty of the county, and collected in one, 
two, three or more years by the Col- 
lector of Taxes, the money deiiosited in 
the treasury, ami drawn out at the proper 
time, by the holders of these notes or bonds, 
given by the proper officers. 



Tn the country, four-fifths of th.i.<e who en- 
listed and took bounty money were farmers, 
or sons of farmers. These bonds were but liena 
upon the farms of those who locre fighting 
or upon the firms of those who were just start- 
ing, equally in proportion to value with those 
who did not fight. 

Wo know of one township in Wisconsin, 
where every farmer, every land-owner took a 
b(junty and went to war. In another town 
every land owner in it took bounxies and 
went to war. 

The bonds woiild not sell at their face, for 
capitalists would not advance par upon them, 
so in many instances they were sold to specu- 
lators for forty, fifty, sixty, or seventy conta 
on the dollar. 

In due time those who went to war re- 
turned, or were heard from. In the fii-st town 
named in Wisconsin, seventeen thousand two 
hundred dollars were raised for bounties by 




THESE ARE THE MEN "WHO PAT THE DEBT. 



the sale to non-resident parties of twenty five 
thousand dollars worth of bonds. Forty-three 
farmers, mostly Germans, were paid each four 
hundred dollare bounty. They left their 
farms — went to war — their families carried on 
the labors of their farms while the men fought. 
In time nineteen of these men returned, and 
found that all taxes, twenty-five thousand dol- 
lars for bounty money purposes were to be 
paid, and that the sale of these bonds had 
realized them exactly four hundred dollars 
each. To these bonds had been added more, to 
the amount of twelve thousand dollars, which 
brought in market nine thousand dollars, and 
which was given to twelve young men, farm- 
ers' sons, to go to war to fill the last called quo- 
ta. Of these twelve, ten returned, and with 
the first number, are now working to pay 
taxes into the town treasury for the redemp- 
tion of the bonds which are to be redeemed in 



1868, 1869, 1870 and 1873, with jlegal rate of 
interest. 

These farmers, who own land, are paying 
the debt. They gave in all thirty-seven 
thousand dollars' worth of notes, not of them* 
selves, but by their county officials. The sale 
of tliese notes brought them twenty-six thou- 
sand two hundred dollars as bounties, which 
were paid to fifty-five men. Of 

these fifty-five men, twfent}--nine re- 
turned and they with the families of 
those who were lost, must pay now, besides 
interest, thirty-seven thousand dollars for 
what they received twenty-nine thotisand. 
They fought ; their farms were taxed to raise 
the bounty money ; they are now redeeming 
these notes, paying back more than each re- 
ceived — in plainer words, are now working 
like slaves to redeem their farms, and to pag 
tlumselcesfor being shtt at I 



6 



CHAPTER THREE. 

These bonds were mortgages on the real 
estate. No mtvtter if ten sons of one farmer 
■were lighting or dying, his farm, or their por- 
tion, was not exempt from taxation. The 
"bounties were raised by signing the notes of 
the very men who were fighting, selling them 
at enormous discounts to those who were not 
fighting. If more money was wanted, why 
sign niore bonds — the fellows at the front 
would never know it if killed — could not help 
themselves if alive. 

Then to raise money to purchase munitions 
of war, ships, food, clothing, &c., &c., and to 
pay millions and millions of dollars to specu- 
lating agents, the nation went into the note 
business. 

"When it wanted men, it drafted them, or 
instructed the stay-at-home patriots to raise 
money to pay those whose poverty compelled 
them to go, with bounty money, rather than 
be di-afted and get no money. 



When it wanted money, it begged like a 
dog, and plead with the misers of the world 
for them to advance money on the Bonds of 
the nation, issued by Congress, to be paid iu 
the future by the producers. 

And the men of money refused to loan 
money to the nation in its hour of need, un- 
less given extortionate rates. Those misera 
cared nothing for the blood of the poor man, 
the shriek of the wife, or moan of the mother, 
as loved ones were torn from homes all over 
the land. But they cared for their dollars, 
and would not let them go till hard, brutal, 
cowardly bargains were driven. 

Then the Republican Congress or adminis- 
tration issued national bonds or notes, pledg- 
ing payment to the holders at the expiration 
of certain years, the face of the note. And 
the party that cried aloud against making the 
poor svipport the rich, declared that these 
notes, or United States bonds should be ex- 
empt from all taxatioii — that the holder of 
them should be paid half yearly interest ia 




THESE ARE THE MEX WHO EEAP THE BENEFITS. 



gold till the day of payment came, when he 
should be paid the principal also in gold, and 
that he should not be asked to pay taxes on 
the bonds hold by him. 

And these bonds were sold at prices in gold 
ranging from thirty to sixty cents on the dol- 
lar and declared bej^ond the reach of taxation. 

The war is now over we are told, yet 
a standing army is kept in the field. And 
all over the land are soldiers working to 
pay the national debt — working to pay 
the interest in gold on the bonds, and leav- 
ing the principal for their bankrupt children 
to pay ! 

The soldiers who fought — who saved the 
Wnion — are not exempt ! They fought, but 



mnst pay taxes now, to support those who did 
not fight. The ones who are benefited are the 
misers, and the ones who signed the bonds, 
and re.alized a share of the profits on their sale. 
The ones who reap the benefit are ones who 
would not fight ; the ones who f/ave the boun- 
ties at the expense of those who were figliting ; 
the ones who make the soldiers now work to 
redeem their farms from bounty mortgages, 
and the workingmen, the producers of the 
land everywhere, work to pay interest in 
gold to 

THESE ARISTOCRATS OF AMERICA 

who live on the profits made from the bouda 
given by the soldiers. 



CnAPTER FOUR. 

The Republican party warred upon an hon- 
est aristo(-racy at the South, that paid its 
share of taxation, and spent millions of dol- 
lars each year among merchants, moclianics 
and manufacturers of the North. 

It promised retrenchment and reform, but 
has brought untold con-uption and extrava- 
gance. 

It said the conquering' of an armed rebel- 
lion would residt in the immediate restora- 
tion of the belligerent States to all their 
rights; it now says they can only be returned 
by legislation. 

It promised greater freedom of speech and 
press than imder Democratic rule; it lied to 
the people, mobbed and sanctioned the mob- 
bing of thousands of men, and called mobs, 
with blood}' hands, but "loyal enthusiasm." 

It was profligate of life and money during 
the war, it squanders more than it produces 
now. 

It created an aristocracy, and by dishon- 
est, illegal legislation declared it exempt from 
taxation. 

It made the wealth of this New England 
Aristocracy the notes of working men, who 
■Sor a hundred years must labor to pay them, 
and support in idleness this protected aris- 
tocracy, to the impoverishment of all children 
of laborers, and the fastening on America a 
luonied power and aristocracy greater than 
ever known bcfoi-e in the world. 

It has given the notes of patriots and pro- 
ducers to misers and non-producers to hold — 
has said by legislative voice, you shall pay 
gold to the rich, and receive paper money of 
fluctuating value for the poor. 

The Republican party agitated the country 
into war — ran it into bankruptcy — legislated it 
into slavery, and has not brought one blessing 
except to the rich who live on taxes paid by 
the poor. 

It makes laws to protect the rich and rob 
the poor — to give carriages and elegant par- 
lors to the non-producers, and hours of toil- 
outrageous taxation and bare walls to the 
farmers, the workingmen, the miners, the pro- 
ducers. 



I It lias not dealt honestly nor fairly by the 
people, nor with its supporters. It wars iipon 
disanned people. It is a sword of taxation in 
the path of young men to lop off their arms 
of toil and their results of labor, and for these 
and other rea.sons we war upon it. 

The plowholders — the miners — the mechan- 
ics — the yonng men of America — the workers 
and not the idlers are our friends, and for 
them wo labor. If they are satisfied with the 
result of this political experiment, we are. 
If the people are willing to bo slaves to an 
aristocracy, we can stand it. If the poor 
men — the young men — those who must labor, 
arc willing to make laws to protect the rich at 
the expen.so of the poor, then the poor of this 
nation had better go to other lands, and those 
of other nations who are poor in purse, but 
rich in muscle and the spirit of enterprise, 
had better remain at home ; for under Repub- 
lican misrule America is no place for them. 

Working Man— Republican or Democrat 
— will you to-night, as you rest from 
toil, or as you wait for sleep, 
think of these things;' We ask 
not for your vote — we care not for the curses 
of the aristocrats — if but we can lessen your 
taxes, shorten your hours of toil — relieve your 
children from slavery to the children of the 
rich, who inherit their bonds — if we can see 
you reaping the reward of your own labor— 
your home better furnished, and your family 
as they have a right to, enjoy more of your 
earnings, we are content. We ask not to know 
your religion or your nationality, for before 
Him, we recognize all white men as brothers. 
We ask you to do no wrong. We do ask you 
to protect j'our own interests, to see if those 
in power have kept faith with you. If j'ou pre- 
fer slavery then we share it with you, all the 
while protesting. And if you wish release 
from this Bond-age, God knows we shall earn- 
estly strive with you for it, by ballot first, 
with the bayonet next, if to this it comes, and 
by that weapon a minority would seek to de- 
prive us young men, working men, producers, 
citizens, white men, taxpayers, of our rights. 
Thine for liberty and the right. 

M. M. POMKROY, 



YOUNG MEN OF AMERICA. 



Young Men ! 

To you this land is to be a blessing or a 
curse in the future. To your wives and your 
children. For years which older men need 
not hope for, you are to possess and occupy. 
You look back to the period between Wash- 
ington and Lincoln, as one of civil liberty, 
true brotherhood, grand achievements, peace 
at home, and honor abroad. You look upon 
it as a time when one might say with spirit 
and honest pride, "*I am an American citi- 
zen." You think of it as the time when a 
man's earnings were his own ; when an honest 



appeal might be made to the oppressed of all 
lands. And because of the glory and gran- 
deur of the past you cherish lofty hopes of 
the future ; you look forward and hope proud- 
ly for honor, and freedom, and comfort, and 
Democratic equality. Young men, one earn- 
est word with you. 

The future of the country is in your hands. 
You can mould it. Older men are identified 
with cliques, and tramelled. The machinery 
of party drives them along in the old ruts. 
Not until it is too late; not till they smell 
the smoke of the burning edifice will thpy 



"awake to the rescue. A train of cars will 

run from gathered momentum after the steam 

has been shut off, and even after the brakes 

have been applied. So with men in jjolitical 

parties. We build on the daring, determined, 

enthusiastic young men of the nation. 
Beware of jmlginfi the future by the past, 

unless the same principles shall be in the as- 
cendant. 

This land was given to our fathers (by our 

grandfathers) in all its purity, fresh and fair. 

They were appalled by no debt of gigantic 

magnitude; crushed by no tyrants' "heels; 

domineered over by no aristocracy; scoffed 

at by no foreign nation; the rich had not dif- 
ferent money from the poor; boldness, honor, 
courage, those were everywhere the passports 
to gratitude and esteem. 

Without that basis, would not have come 

that greatness. Figs do not grow of thistles. 

Out of despotism does not grow civil liberty. 
White men will not proceed from a race of 
negroes. If we would leave for our children 
what our fathers left to theirs, it is time to 
look at the foundation. 
Young men ! 

Eight years ago Mr. A. Lincoln forced 
you to go to his supi^ort. He demanded in 
the name of Beecherites, Gi-reeleyites, Sumner- 
itos, and a nameless host of ites and negro- 
lovers, that you vote for him. The call was to 
eectional bitterness, fratricidal strife, negro 
ascendancy. The cloven foot was concealed, 
but this is what it meant. You were told 
that if you would follow the lead of Charles 
S., Abe L. & Co., you should reap a golden 
harvest. 

_ Many heard the call, saw the beckoning, be- 
lieved the words, and voted with the Radicals. 
Then came the storm ! The lightning struck ! 
Pire, like molten iron, ran zig-zag along our 
country's heavens, as rivers along the earth. 
Instead of peace came war. In place of gold, 
paper money. Instead of liberty, despotism. 
In place of white men, negi'oes. Instead of 
harmony, discord. The golden harvest proved 
to be only a harvest of death, and the reapers 
•went forth with sickles stained with blood. 

Young men, stop and think ! 

Now we call. We call to another fight, a 
fight heralded by no tap of drum or bugle- 
call. Not a contest with rifles, but ballots. 
We appeal to young men in every calling. 

Clerks. 

Students. 

Plowboys. 

Apprentices. 

Railroad boys. 

Toilers of every kind, with capital of brain 
and miLscle. 

We believe that there is no other hope for 
y©u but in the success of the party which 
made the nation. We say, therefore, 

If you would be a merchant or banker, in- 
stead of clerk, 

Master-builder, instead of day-laborer, 

Professor, instead of Pedagogue, 

Faraier, instead of hired help. 

Proprietor, instead of operative in any call- 
ing whatsoever ; 



If you desire to climb ; if you wanf more 
money, more liberty, more leisure, more in- 
fluence, as you grow older, then rally, rally ! 
If you aspdre, fall in. 
For you shall have, 

With continuation of Republican rule, in- 
creasing difficulty in eveiy effort to rise. The 
rich shall grow richer, and the poor poorer. 
The gulf, which. Heaven knoAvs, is deep and 
wide enough now, shall grow deeper and 
wider with evciy year, until no man can pass 
from poverty to riches, from plebeian to patri- 
cian, from commoner to aristocrat. 
And you shall have 

Witli Democratic government, white su- 
premacy ; taxes paid by those who own the 
propierty ; a country united ; one kind of mo- 
ney for all ; the gulf between workers and 
bondholders closed. It shall be easy by ener- 
gy, industry, triith and calculation, to rise in 
every trade, profession, and calling. 

Young men, honest men, live men, choose ! 
Choose note, for the time hastens when the 
opportunity to decide this question by ballot 
will be past. 

There are hundreds of self-made men in 
this land. You point to them with pride — 
pride not so much in the men, as in the insti- 
tutions which could bring them forth. You 
look at their great estates, at their honored 
station, at their opxDortunities and pleasures, 
and determine to build as they build. To 
be great and honored and rich yourselves. 
To thrust down obstacles, and push through. 
Take care ! 

Young men, remember that these self-made 
men, whom you see and think to imitate, 
came up under Democratic institutions. Aye, 
do not forget. Remember that the Republi- 
can party has mortgaged you all ? Damn us 1 
damn us ! if you will, but hear ! The money 
for 

Every stroke of the hammer, 
Every clink of the trowel. 
Every mark of pen, brush, or pencil, 
Every furrow of the plow is mortgaged. 
How will you rise ? Where will the cajDital 
come from to make the beginning ? When 
will it be in your hands ? Think ! 
We are pounced upon fi-om all quarters by 
birds of prey — eagles vulturized — but there 
shall be one sheet in this land whence the 
truth may shine forth. The country has 
been despoiled. An incubus of uncounted 
millions of dollars rests upon the toil and 
sacrifice of young men. The mortgages 
which Republicans issued were for young 
men to pay. Those who are now young. All 
young men, (old bondholders, boys excepted,) 
are growjjig up under the pressure of these 
mortgages. The fearful hatred between the 
sections, kindled by the infamous accursed 
ones of that accursed party, is to sting young 
men deepest. The discord and danger aris- 
ing from the nigger element — the race-mixing 
and social equality — is to come upon young 
men. The plague in such horror as no man 
has conceived it, is to come to their house- 
holds, to their wives and their daughters. 
The burden, shame and sorrow of Radical 



9 



misrule is to go to their heai'ths^nes. Its in- 
tenser stin;; — its double-distilled poison of 
hell, is coming to you, young men ! 

And the wrath of young men should sweep 
the country like prairie fire ! 

Bccaiiso we would not see the nation's name 
a by-word in other lands; because we would 
not have the right-arms of our young men 



paralyzed, nor their hopes blasted; because we 
would not sec monarchical institutions grafted 
on the tree jjlanted by our fathers; because w« 
would not see stagnation and damnation com- 
ing like a deluge, we would have young men 
strike home to the heart of Jacobinism with a 
rod hot thunderbolt 1 



BONDS AGAINST LABOR. 



When we first opened batteries against this 
bonded aristocracy, and in behalf of labor 
demanded equal taxation, the people stood 
amazed at the temerity of the man who could 
dare to thi'ust a pen through the guard of 
bayonets to pierco an infamous bubble. Re- 
publicans howled in fury, for sacreligious 
hands were being laid on their dearest 
pet. Democrats who held Govern- 
ment securities — men who had sold 
themselves for a price — men who 
by speculation, stealing, fat contracts, and 
partnerships with dishonest officials had filled 
their purses or banking vaults with bonds, 
created for the people to pay, when the war 
should be over, they too howled, and said it was 
wrong to disturb a sacred compact ! But the 
people, the plowholdors, in whoso service we 
fight against the bondholders, looked upon the 
matter differently, and shouted for justice and 
nothing more, till politicians were forced to 
hear,and the stone of equal taxation, which 
was once rejected, has now become the very 
head of the Democratic corner. 
" Wfqj do we war against boiuh ?" 
For several reasons. The constitution of 
the country promised and demanded equal 
taxation. Under this promise millions of 
poor people came here from old countries to 
make America great by labor. We want faith 
kept with those who thus came. 

The act creating bonds and declaring them 
exempt from taxation was illegal, and in vio- 
lation of the Constitution the people were 
bleeding to uphold and maiatain. 

We do not like this law — have a right to 
protest and to demand equal taxation. If 
our demand in behalf of those who toil and 
produce be not heard, then we have a right to 
refuse to pay taxes — to throw the collectors 
into some river, as the patriots of Boston 
threw the tea overboard, and in defense of the 
people, to protect them in their industry and 
to relieve them from bondage, unsheath the 
sabre and kill those who stand at sundown de- 
manding under cover of legislative protection, 
the half or more of the money we have toiled 
for all the long, weary day. 

And aristocrats of America — bond-holders 
who object to equal taxation — aristocrats who 
would rob labor of its just reward, to this it 
will come if you do not heed our demand. For 
as God reigns, and the people toil, and 
you are exempt, rather than much 
longer submit to this wrong, this 
insult to labor, this robbing of our children, 



wo will call upon those who are in hunger — 
upon th(jse you despise — upon the young men 
of the West and South — upon the producei's 
everywhere, and with them, striking for our 
liberties and for our earnings, will, in a single 
night, slay you who stand to rob us under 
cover of an unjust law we all despise. We 
demand the right. We demand protec- 
tion for our industry, and we Avill 
have it. Labor has made this coun- 
try great. It opened the forests — it dug 
the canals and it navigates them. It made 
the rails and laid them on the earth — it built 
the cars which roll over them — it made the 
farms of the land — it raises the grain carried 
on the rails and the boats — it lias built thou- 
sands of towns and cities — it has and is devel- 
oping the resoui-ces of America, and it shall 
have protection. The bondholder produces 
nothing. He pays no taxes. He is a leech on 
laboi'. He is the robber of men and women 
who toil. Ho robs the unoxempt soldier of 
his stipend and earnings ; he rides while oth- 
ers walk ; he is drunken while others toil ; 
he ad/ls not a dollar, not a grain of com, not 
a handful of fruit, not a farm nor a city to 
the common wealth of a common countrj'. 

Su})iJose all were bondholders, who would 
pay the taxes P AVliere would the money come 
from to paj^ the interest in gold, and in time 
the principal ? Suppose we cJl sell our farms, 
our shops, our cars, our boats, our stores, our 
mines, our printing offices, our manufacturing 
establishments, invest the proceeds in bonds, 
spend our summers at watering j)laces, our 
winters at the theatre. Who will produce — 
who will pay the debt ? 

All Congi-ess would need do would bo to keep 
issuing bonds ! Keep voting appropriations ! 
Issue more bonds, declare they shall be paid 
in gold, exempt them fi-om taxation — fiU all 
our pockets ! And when they become due, 
pay them by issuing more bonds, at higher 
rates of interest — sell those ft a greater dis- 
count, and thus fill up again I 

Pay day would come some time, but not in 
our day ! Bankruptcy and repuiliatiou would 
follow for our children, but w" vat of it.^ — we 
of to-day would be rich ! 

We war against the entire system, and if 
we cannot defeat it by the ballot, we have a 
right to attempt the bayonet, when we will 
see if those who would not fight for their 
country will fight to save their bonds. You 
bondholders may sneer, but yoH wiU pay 
taxes or die I 



10 



REASONS WHY DEMOCRATS MUST CERTAINLY SUCCEED THIS FALL. 



1. We are not trying now, as in 1848, to elect 
two candidates : i. e., the Democratic party is 
not gplit, as then, Avith Cass and Van Buren 
for rival Democratic candidates, enabling 
General Taylor (Whig) to be elected by a mi- 
nority vote of 926,016 ; while a majority vote 
of 1,103,331 was divided, to no purpose, be- 
tween the two Democratic candidates. Nor 
are they (Democrats) as in 1860, trying the 
still more disastrous experiment of electing 
three candidates, resulting in electing Lin- 
coln, whose total vote was a minority of 
947,289 in the popular vote of 4,680,193, di- 
vided among Breckinridge, Doriglo^s and Bell. 

Nor are they, as in 1864, in the armies of 
the North, and kept from voting as they de- 
sired ; with eleven States not voting ; with 
military voting illegally, and preventing legal 
voting, (as, for instance, Maryland, Republi- 
can majority 1864, 7,414 ; Democratic majori- 
ty 1867, 41,713.) 

But, on the contrary, we are a united pha- 
lanx, unbroken and indivisible for Seymour 
and Blair. All the States will vote, in 
spite of — well Congress — no military will 
dare interfere at the polls. 

2. The Republican, Abolition, Radical, 
Nigger Party never was for a moment since 
its first organization, is not now, and never 
will be in a majority in the United States. 
PROOF. 

The first candidate of the nigger party was 
John C. Frejnont, in 1856. 

In 1850, whole vote 4,019 918 

Buchanan received. . , 1,838,239 or 44.85 per ct. 

Pillmore. . . • 874,625 or 21.79 per ct. 

Fremont 1,342,104 or 33.36 per ct. 

1860. 

"Whole vote cast 4,680,193 

Breckinridge received 847,953 

Douglas 1,375,157 

BeU 590,631 



STATES VOTING 


bep'k maj. I majorities 


DEMOCRATIC 


IN 1864. 


IN '64 OR 66. 


OF 1867-8. 


GAIN 4 CHANGS. 


California 


18,793 


Dem. 7,428 


26,221 


Connecticut... 


2,406 


Dem. 1,700 


4,132 


Delaware 


Dem. 611 


Dem. 1,212 


601 


Illinois 


30,766 


No informa 


tion. 


Indiana 


20,189 


R.'66. 14,516 


5,673 


Iowa 


39,479 
12,750 


" 16,367 
D. '67. 8,093 


23,112 
21,088 


Kansas 


Kentucky 


Dem. 36,515 


D.'68 90,000 


46,878 


Maine 


21,612 


R.'67 11,718 


9,894 


Maryland 


7,414 


D.'67 41,712 


49,144 


Massachusetts 


78,000 


27,940 


5,060 


Minnesota 


7,685 


Dem. 1,298 


8,983 


Michigan 


16,917 


No informa 


tion. 


Missouri 


41,072 


21,229 


19,743 


Nevada 


3,232 


1866. 1,142 


2,089 


Nebraska 


'66. 748 


Dem. 1,000 


1,748 


N. Hampshire. 


4,616 


3,152 


1,464 


New Jersey... 


'66. 1,491 


Dem. 16,354 


17,845 


New York... . 


13,789 


Dem. 47,930 


61,719 


Ohio 


59,586 


Dem. 553 


62,496 


Oregon 


1,431 


D. '68. 1,900 


2,553 


Pennsylvania. 


20,075 


Dem. 922 


20,997 


Rhode Island. 


5,631 


4,214 


1,427 


Vermont 


29,098 


20,784 


8,240 


West Virginia, 




1,281 




(the Bastard). 


12,714 




10,433 


Wisconsin.... 


17,574 


4,764 


12,810 


Totals 


455,709 




479,796 





Total Democratic 2,813,741 

Lincoln received 1 ,806,452 

Lincoln minority 947,289 

1864. 

Eleven States not voting. A\niole vote cast 
in voting tStates 4,034,789 

Add vote of these eleven States, as per vote 
of 1800, (less than their real vote in 1804) 903,867 

True vote of Union, 1864 4,904,717 

Of this vote Lincoln received 2,203,831 

Leaving Democratic 2,700,880 

From this take the number of votes Lin- 
coln received in 1860 in the eleven States at 
•war in 1860, viz 1,929 

True Democratic vote 2,698,957 

Lincoln's vote 2,203,831 

Democratic majority 495,126 

3. Add to the foregoing FACTS the further 
FACT that since 1864 the Democrats have 
gained, in those States 'coting in 1864, njncard 
of four hundred and eighty thousand (480,- 
000) votes, or a number far exceeding the totals 
of all the Republican majorities in those 
States in 1864, to-wit : 455,709 — and then we 
don't wonder they cry in fear, " Let us have 
peace." 



To these indisputable facts, ("figures won't 
lie,") add the no less certain FACT that the 
peo])lc who have been thus augmenting the 
ranks of the Democratic majority in the na- 
tion by hundreds of thousands, will continue 
to do so for the same reasons which have con- 
spired to bring about this great change ; and 
that the people want a statesman with a poli- 
cy, and don't want a figure-head having 
neither policy, plan, nor ability, and we see 
more {Seymour) clearly that these Cold-facts 
will lay the Rads. out cold enough next No- 
vember. 



BEAUTIES OF " EECONSTRUCTION " EEGISTEATION 
—RADICAL FEAUDS SHOWN BY KADICAL FW- 
L'EES. 

The following table shows the registration 
of white and colored " voters" in the military 
governments of the South, except Texas and 
Tennessee, estimated as shown by the official 
returns of the '* Bureau" of 1867 : 

WliiU. 

Virginia 120,101 

North Carolina 103,060 

South Carolina 40,676 

Georgia 96,262 

Alabama 72,746 

Florida 11,151 

Louisiana 45,169 

Mississippi 47,434 

Arkansas 43,170 

Texas 54,259 

Tennessee 80,000 

Totols 720,028 756,746 

Population of these States, according to the census 
of 1860: 

Whites 5,581,649 

Blacks 3,530,116 

Excess of whites 3,530,116 

Excess of black " votera" in these same 
States 36,718 



11 



The true percentage of voters to the entire 
population is about one-sixteenth, or one in six. 

This OHtiraate is based on the popuUir vote 
for over thirty years past. 

Now wlicn this percentage is applied to the 
black population of the foregoing States, on 
the theory of negro voting (and admitting 
that notwithstanding the vast emigration of 
the blaekn to the North, and the unprece- 
dented mortality among them since emanci- 
pation, that their numbers are as great as in 
18G0; we have, as the true number " entitled" 
to be registered as voters in tlieir population 
of 3,530,110, the figure of black "voters" — 

588,.152 
-Instead of 75U,74fi 



Showing an evid'.nt fraud of 168,414 

being that many more blacks registered than 
there are black males 21 years of age in those 
States. 

Should the laws excluding from the ballot 
paupers, criminals, and persons of unsound 
mind, be applied to the blacks, (who are all, 
or nearly all, public paupers,) this part of the 
fraud would become still more apparent. 

A still more glaring aspect of this fraud is 
found in that branch of " reconstruction " 
■which disfranchises, as a (wnvicted felon, 
every man who cannot, and who, like (icn- 
eral Frank P. Blair, will not, in derogatioi^ 
of his manhood and his country, take the 
" cast-iron" oaths prescribed by Radicals for 
■white men in the South. 

By the foi'egoing registration, a white pop- 
ulation in those States of 5,581,649, have, as 
their » quota" of voters, 730,028, or 30,718 
less than the blacks. 

Now, if we apply the former percentage of 
one-sixth to the white population, we shall 
have, as the true number of men entitled to 
be registered, the number of 930,274, being the 
number of white males 21 years of age and 
upward in those States, instead of the number 
registered, viz: 720,028 — showing an evident 
fraud of 210,240 -white men entitled to vote, 
who arc excluded by the military i-egistra- 
tion, which thus establishes negro supremacy, 
and not simply " equaVdy" 

Thus we have of excluded white voters 210,246 

And of doubly, trelly, or otherwise fraudu- 
lently registered blacks 168,414 



Showing an evident fraud of 378,680 

fraudulent and excluded votes, even if we 
a,dmit the whole plan of Radical Reconstruc- 
tion to be lawful. 

The foregoing would, of course, in a gen- 
eral election, effect a change of double its 
number against the true sentiment of the 
lawful voters — making the total fraud in this 
alone to amount to the stupendous figure of 
757,320 votes, which the Radicals control by 
the bayonet. " Let us have peace." 

A NEW VF.BSIOS — " TOO CI-OSE TO HUM." 

Bishop Heber's missionary sons' has recently re- 
oeived a new version It runs as follows : 
"From (jret nland's icy mountains, 

From India's coral strand ; 
Where Afrir's sunny fountains 

Roll down ilieir golden sand ; 
To every Southern river 

Shall neg'rosutfrage come, 
Brt not up in New England, 

i'or that's too clostf to hum." 



WHAT HAVE THEY DONE ■WITH OUR MONEY? 

The total debt of the United States June 
1, 180,'), (after the war had clo.ied; amounted 
to .>;2,035,20(i,752. Since that time, in tla^.?3 
years of peace, to Juno 30, 1808, the people 
have paid in taxes, customs, revenues, <fcc., 
$1,540,058,583. This is more than half the 
whole debt of 1 H08 ; and as the whole ex- 
penses of government under Buchanan were 
about $70,000,(K)0 per annum, the expenses 
ought not to exceed ^100,000,000 per annum 
now. 

For three years, then, say ^300,000,000 of 
the foregoing $1,540,058,583 have gone to de- 
fray current expenses of government.. We 
then should have .$1,240,0.58,583 to apply to 
the extiiiLruisliment of the debt, leaving it 
$1,395,143,109. Although this ouf/ht to be the 
amount of the debt. Secretary McCuUoch.saya 
that on June 1, 1808, it was $2,048,753,500, 
or $8,547,813 in excess of the debt of 1865 1 
What has become of the money ? 

According to Mr. Welles' statement the to- 
tal ei'penditurc6 of the army and navy since 
the war closed to June, 20, 1808, were : 

For Army 1917,117,043 

For Navy 133,119,276 

Total $1,0.50,236,319 

Or more than $800,000,000 per annum, 
while army, navy, and all branches of gov- 
ernment under Buchanan cost but $70,000,000 
a year. 

But as this does not by any means yet an- 
swer the question, as to " ^\^lat has become 
of our money !'" we must remember that Rad- 
icalism has filled the land with swarms of 
useless offices and officers, and has put in 
charge of them swarms of corrupt thieves 
and wasteful politicians, and if the peojde 
were only permitted to look behind the cur- 
tain of this veiled corruption, the Radical 
party, they might then learn what has become 
of the money. 

Let us have CII.VNGE ! 

P. S. — Remember that of the foregoing sura 
of $1,540,058,583 received by the Treasury 
since the war, $547,000,000 of it was in OOLD — 
making, at a premium of 40, $218,800,000 
more to be accounted for — or nearly three- 
quarters of the entire debt of 1805. 

Figures won't lie ! Rads. will ! 

THE ELECTOn.\L COLLEGE. 



Sfatrt. Voles. 

Alabama 8 1 

Arkansas 5 

California 5| 

Connecticut 6 | 

Delaware 3| 

Florida 3] 

(Jeorgia 9 

Illinois 16 

Indiana 13 

Iowa 8 I 

Kansas 3 | 

Kentucky 11 j 

Louisiana 7 i 

Maine 7 

Maryland 7 | 

South Carolina fi I 

Tennessee 10 | 

Texas 6 

Massachusetts 12, 

Total 



Slale.1. rotes. 

Michigan 8 

Minnesota 4 

Mi,*sissippi 7 

Mis.^ouri 11 

Nebraska 3 

Nevada 3 

Newllirapshirc 5 

New Jersey 7 

New Vork 33 

North Carolina 9 

Ohio 21 

f )regon 3 

Pennsylvania 25 

Hhode Uand 4 

Vermont 5 

Virginia 10 

West Vir.;iui!i 5 

Wisconsin H 



.317 



12 



PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE. 



"We war upon the Republican party in be- 
liaK of the workingmen of America for the 
following' reasons. 

Under Democratic administrations of the 
laws and constitution, the country was pros- 
perous, labor was protected, taxation was 
equal, States and people enjoyed the rights for 
which our patriotic sires fought, and which 
they fondly hoped we, their children, would 
defend and maintain. Democracy defended 
the rights of States and people. 

It sought not to create an aristocracy based 
on bonds or notes which the poor men alone 
must pay. It gave no protection to the rich it 
did not give the poor. The Republican loarty 
' came in power crying for reform, retrench- 
ment, and protection for labor in the North, 
and the putting down of an aristocracy in the 
South which was supported by black labor. 
It urged the poor men of the North to leave 
their ho:nes, to fight to save their countiy, that 
their interests might be pi'omoted and pro- 
tected. While the poor men were fighting, the 
rich men were legislating. The sacred obli- 
gations of the past were forgotten. The pro- 
tection by Democrats given to the laborer was 
torn away. Republican legislators in Con- 
gress, who had gained place under promise 
to work reformation in public affairs, ran the 
country into debt by the billion — s],>ent money 
by the million — gave fat contracts to pets and 
political favorites — continued the war for 
party benefit more than national good. 

They raised money iii this way : While 
soldiers were fighting and their home ones 
were toiling, the legislators issued United 
States bonds, and sold them through ajipoint- 
ed agents, to men who had more money than 
patriotism. These bonds were simply notes, 
which somebody must pay or repudiate. The 
Republican legislation, in order to sell them, 
declared as follows : 

Whoever buys these bonds shall pay no 
taxes on money invested in them. His inter- 
est shall be paid in gold. He can purchase 
them at less than their worth. 

He shall be paid the face of them, with in- 
terest, in gold. 

For one hundred dollars of money we will 
give you two hundred and fifty dollars in 
these bonds — you shall be paid two hundred 
and fifty dollars for that which cost you one 
hundred. Then men who had money, invest- 
ed in these notes or bonds — first, to make great 
profits ; secondly, to escape taxation on their 
property or money so invested. This created 
an aristocracy based on prospective wealth — 
based on notes which the poor must pay if 
able to. By the Constitution, which said tax- 
ation must always be equal in America, it is 
wrong and could not bo inflicted on labor, but 
by Republican legislation, warring against the 
best interests of labor, it tons done ! 

These notes are held by the rich. They are 
held by men who have sold property on which 
taxes were heretofore coVected, and invested 



their money in these bonds or notes. The 
bondholder draws his interest and pays no 
taxes. In time he expects to receive the prin- 
cipal, for to the payment thereof, the labor 
alone, and not the icealth and labor together, 
are pledged. 

By republican legislation the workingmen 
and producers alone must pay this debt. This 
is a terrible insult and wrong to American la- 
borers. The rich man pays no taxes. He is 
exempt. The poor man pays the taxes iiow, 
and must pay the entire debt in the future, 
unless he repudiates the bargain, as he has a 
right to, for it is unjust, illegal and unconsti- 
tional. 

But still worse ! The Republican party, by 
corruption, extravagance, and incompetent 
management, is running the country still 
more in debt. Instead of decreasing the debt, 
it is increasing it. One set. of bonds are taken 
up and others are issued. The aim is to keep 
these bonds or notes afloat, — compel the work- 
ingmen to pay the interest. The holders do 
not Avant the principal — they prefer the bonds 
to be unpaid, so long as they can have their 
interest, and be exempt from taxation! 

Thus of the past and present. What of the 
future ? Simply this. How are these notes 
to be paid ? The rich men are not expected to 
pay them, for they are the holders, and only 
give up the bonds or notes when the gold is 
given them. With this gold they buy more 
notes, like the first, exempt from taxation and 
bringing large interest. The poor men, the 
soldier who fought — the widows of soldiers — 
the children of soldiers — the workingmen 
now in America — the workingmen who are 
coming in emigrant ships to this country, 
they are to pay the interest year after year — 
generation after generation, till the rich are 
made millionaires, and till their own children 
be enslaved forever. 

The rich men of the country pay no taxes 
on their bonds. The rich man, with a mil- 
lion dollars in bonds, pays no taxes — the one- 
armed soldier, who grinds a hand-organ on 
Broadway, for pennies, tossed in his hat by 
passers-by, is not exempt, but pays taxes on 
his little organ, to support the bondholder in 
idleness. 

The Republican party will not allow the 
South to help pay the interest or principal. It 
keeps there, in time of peace, a cruel standing 
army, to worry and terrify the people, and 
prevent their profitable husbandry. 

It compels the poor men of the North to 
support A standing army ; 
A horde of idle negroes ; 
An army of bondholders. 
The Republican party protects the rich at 
the expense of the poor, and wars upon the in- 
dustry of the country. It ran the nation in 
debt for the benefit of the rich ; it compels 
the poor to pay taxes for the benefit of the 
rich ; it gives no protection to labor, honesty, 
industry, or entei'prise. It is a tyrant tha^ 



13 



sits astride tlio neck of labor, that is mort- 
gaging the young men to support the misers, 
that is eacli year giving our notes to others, 
and for these notes wo receive no benefit. 

For these reasons wo war upon it. The 
past, the present of j-epublicanism, insults tlie 
industry and patriotism of our country. The 
future has no hope for labor or for the young 
men of enterprise — their earnings must go to 
support an aristocracy created by Republi- 
can.s. 

We demand a change. We demand for 
those whose cause is ours, equal taxation. 
Let wealth, not labor, pay the debt, or help 
do it. If we cannot have equality for those 
who live here in a common country ; if we 



cannot enjoy the fruits of our industry, then 
we say, let us refuse to pay taxes, repudiate 
the national debt, relieve o\irsclves of tliis un- 
just load, and compel the aristocrats who will 
not pay taxes, to work as we work, to pay 
taxes as we i>ay taxes — to support the govern- 
ment as we support it — to bear their .^hare of 
burdens as we do, (jr see their ill-gottca 
wealth take wings and fly away. 

All we want is the right. If wo cannot havo 
this, we will have a revolution in the North, 
in which industry will forever annihilat-e the 
exemijted aristocracy of republicanism. If 
this matter is not righted this year, it will 
right itself next year, and the national debt 
will fall of itself. 



LET US HAYE PEACE. 



Yeai — in behalf of the working millions, 
who pay taxes, we, too, say let us have peace. 
And give us the country all our own — the 
Union with each and every State at peace, at 
rest and represented in national council by 
honest men and statesmen — with the glorious 
constitution of our fathers again protecting, 
under its ample folds, the common children of 
a common land. 

But Radical peace and our peace are not of 
the same parents. Their peace means bayo- 
nets, rather than ballots. Negroes rather than 
white men ; lust and brutality, rather than 
virtue and intelligence to rule. Their peace 
means the subjugation, impoverishment and 
slow murder of as brave a people as ever the 
sun shone on. It means the entire destruc- 
tion of ten ^States ; the reducing of them to 
territories ; the wiping out of men, families, 
and sacred memories ; the inauguration of a 
conflict of races, that a pretense may arise for 
the placing of the South again entirely under 
military rule, that more robbers may be en- 
riched, and more fat contracts be awarded to 
" loyal'' scoundrels of America, who find shef 
and shelter under the infamous cloak of Radi- 
calism. 

Their peace means peace to those who carry 
the sword — ];5cace for those who are exempt 
from ta.xation — peace for the gold-covered 
bondholders — peace for the renegade Demo- 
crats, the thieves, cowards, assignation-house 
keepers, spoon-stealers, cotton finding, law- 
hating delegation of villains now at the head 
of the ivepublican party. 

Our peace is different. ^^ 

We want peace for the sake of peace, and 
the good of America. We want peace for the 
bleeding States which are ours by the memo- 
ries of the past, and the hopes of the future. 
We want peace for those who fought bravely, 
who were overwhelmed in the unequal con- 
test — who are sons of our sires — who are gi'eat 
in intellect, worth, ability, and enterprise, 
and who are able to govern their own States 
better and cheaper, and more to the benefit of 
tha country, than a centralized power, or 



nameless, homeless renegades and adventu- 
rers can do. 

Wc want peace and protection for the ne- 
gi'oes who are now, with the poor Avhito men 
everywhere, the slaves of the bondholders, 
and who toil and pay taxes to keep in idle ex- 
travagance a purse-proud class who are of no 
benefit to America. We want peace for the 
soldiers who fought and restored the Union, 
that they may enjoy the fruits of their victory, 
and not be again dragged from their homes to 
enrich army speculators. 

AVe want peace for the noble women of the 
South — iov the sorrowing and desolate ones of 
a thousand cities desolated by war — we want 
peace for their children and our children, that 
they may grow to man's estate friends and 
workers together for their common good, and 
for the greatness of a common country. 

We want peace for the plowholders, the 
mechanics, the workingmen, the young men, 
the real worth, virtue, intelligence, and patri- 
otism of the country, and with it want equal 
protection before the law and tax-gatherer- 
exemption from the support of an aristocracy 
created by Republicans, in antagonism to the 
welfare, peace, and prosperity of the country. 

We want peace — we demand it. A broad, 
open, honorable peace. Wc want protection 
for our friends, the producers and working- 
men. We wish it at the ballot, but if it can- 
not be tlius won — if our rights are to be de- 
nied us, your aristocrivtic government shall 
lose its power, for it will not have the consent 
of the governed, and by force of the bayonet, 
in the hands of those who cry for bread, wo 
will wipe out your aristocracy, and win a 
peace and an exemption from unjust taxation, 
in one way if not in another. 

This is America. A majority of the white 
people, who have homes here, shall rule. You 
will not take Indians. You shall not govera 
'us with negroes. 

We want peace. 

We want white supremacy. 

We want equal taxation. 

We want a majotity to govern. 



14 



We want protection for industry. 

We want the ax, the hoe the plow the 
Trick, the 8hovel, the hammer, the trowel the 
Sone-chiBel, the implements o*. i^-^f ^Fy^' ^, 
have the same protection you give the bonds 
of the aristocrat, who produces nothing. 

We want this Union to be a nation of hearts 
and hands, and if it cannot be such, rather 

than live as now, let the So^t^Vr* .^Ilf una 
the East separate, form new alliances, it una- 



ble to stand alone, and let there be made some 
government where rich and poor are protected 

'^^ And we will, by pen, voice and ballot, work 
for thiTn ISeS.'^^f the rigM be denied uj 
w» will inaugurate another revolution m 186 J, 
J^^vhich labSr will fight aristocracy to kJl, 
thalour children shall not be Blaves tobond- 
holders. Workingmen— young men-pre- 
pare ! 



^g» 



OF CONGRESS 

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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